Mabirizi on Amendment Review
Male H. Mabirizi v Attorney General and Karuhanga and Others v Attorney General and Uganda Law Society v Attorney General (Constitutional Appeals 2, 3 and 4 of 2018) [2019] UGSC 102 (18 April 2019) is one of the most important modern decisions of the Supreme Court of Uganda on constitutional amendment litigation. The case is widely known as the age limit decision because it arose from the removal of the upper age limit for presidential candidates and Local Council V chairpersons. Yet its precedent value goes beyond age. It addresses judicial review of constitutional amendments, parliamentary procedure, public participation, severance, the basic structure doctrine and the practical meaning of constitutional supremacy.
The panel included Katureebe CJ,
Arach Amoko JSC, Mwangusya JSC, Opio Aweri JSC, Tibatemwa Ekirikubinza JSC,
Mugamba JSC and Tumwesigye Ag JSC. Chief Justice Bart M. Katureebe wrote
separately while agreeing with the judgment of Stella Arach Amoko JSC and
adding his own reasoning on several central questions. The judgments considered
not only the wording of the amendment but also the process that produced it.
That matters because constitutional amendment cases often sit at the
uncomfortable boundary between politics and law. The Court had to decide how
far judges could go in reviewing a process that was plainly political, but
still governed by constitutional rules.
The facts began in 2017 when Hon.
Raphael Magyezi, Member of Parliament for Igara West, moved a private member’s
motion seeking leave to introduce a constitutional amendment bill. The bill
became the Constitution (Amendment) Act No. 1 of 2018. It removed the age limit
for a person seeking election as President under Article 102(b) and also
removed the age limit for a person seeking election as District Chairperson
under Article 183(2)(b). The amendment also contained other provisions touching
election and institutional matters. Some provisions were controversial because
of their legal and financial implications, and because the parliamentary
process itself was marked by disorder, security concerns and intense public
disagreement.
Several petitioners challenged
the amendment in the Constitutional Court. That Court struck down some
provisions but upheld the retained provisions, including the removal of the
presidential and District Chairperson age limits. The appellants then appealed
to the Supreme Court. Their arguments were broad. They said the age limit
formed part of the basic structure of the Constitution and could not be removed
by ordinary amendment. They also complained of violence, intimidation,
inadequate consultation, defects in parliamentary procedure and improper
application of the doctrine of severance. Mr. Male Mabirizi separately argued
that the President elected in 2016 had to vacate office upon attaining seventy
five years of age.
The Attorney General defended the
amendment. The State’s position was that Parliament had followed the applicable
constitutional procedure, that removal of the age limits did not destroy the
identity of the Constitution, and that any defects in the process were not
substantial enough to invalidate the retained provisions. The Attorney General
also argued that the former Article 102(b) concerned eligibility for election,
not automatic vacation of office during an ongoing presidential term. That
distinction became important because it avoided turning an eligibility rule
into a removal rule.
The Supreme Court dismissed the
appeals. The final result was that the Constitutional Court’s decision was
upheld by a majority of four to three, with several issues resolved
unanimously. The Court unanimously rejected the preliminary objections, the basic
structure challenge to the removal of the age limit, and the argument that the
sitting President had to vacate office upon reaching seventy five years. By a
majority, the Court held that the process of enactment did not invalidate the
retained provisions, that the violence and disorder around Parliament did not
nullify the amendment, and that the substantiality test had been properly used
to evaluate procedural irregularities.
The rule from the case is not
that Parliament can amend the Constitution however it likes. That would be too
simple and, frankly, misleading. The Court confirmed that constitutional
amendments are reviewable by courts as to procedure and, where appropriate, as
to substance. At the same time, it held that not every irregularity, political
controversy or breach of parliamentary practice will invalidate an amendment.
The defect must be constitutionally material, fundamental or substantial enough
to affect the validity of the retained provisions. This is the practical centre
of the judgment.
The decision on the basic
structure doctrine is particularly significant. The Court did not appear to
reject the possibility that Uganda’s Constitution has foundational features
that cannot simply be destroyed by ordinary amendment. It accepted that constitutional
interpretation must take account of Uganda’s history, the sovereignty of the
people, constitutional supremacy and democratic governance. But the Court drew
a line between a foundational pillar and an important rule that remains
amendable. The age limit was treated as an eligibility condition rather than an
unchangeable element of the Constitution’s identity. In Chief Justice
Katureebe’s reasoning, removing the age limit widened the field of possible
candidates for voters rather than destroying popular sovereignty.
That reasoning is powerful, but
it is not beyond criticism. One may agree that an age limit is not
automatically a basic structure rule, yet still worry about the political
context in which term and eligibility rules are changed. Constitutional
identity is not only about isolated words. It can also be shaped by how rules
work together to manage power. The Court’s approach may therefore be seen as
cautious. It avoided turning the basic structure doctrine into a broad weapon
against every controversial amendment, but it also left future litigants with
the demanding task of proving that an amendment destroys a foundational feature
rather than merely changing an important constitutional detail.
The judgment is also important
for parliamentary procedure. The Court did not say that Parliament’s internal
actions are immune from review. On the contrary, it recognised that courts may
examine whether constitutional requirements were followed in law making and
amendment. However, the Court treated procedural defects according to their
seriousness and effect. Some defects may be improper but not fatal. Others may
go to the root of validity. This is where the substantiality test becomes
central. A petitioner must show not only that something went wrong, but that
the wrong was serious enough to affect the constitutional quality of the
enactment.
The discussion of violence and
consultation is equally important. The appellants argued that some Members of
Parliament were intimidated or prevented from consulting freely, and that
security forces interfered with the process. The majority accepted that some
incidents were unlawful or improper. Even so, it held that the evidence did not
show that the overall consultative process was constitutionally defeated. This
creates a demanding evidentiary burden for future public participation
challenges. A petitioner must connect incidents of interference to a broader
failure of the constitutional process, rather than relying only on isolated
examples.
The doctrine of severance also
received important treatment. The Constitutional Court had struck down some
provisions while allowing the retained parts of the amendment to survive. The
Supreme Court upheld that approach. The lesson is that a court need not
invalidate an entire amendment if the unconstitutional parts can be separated
and the remaining provisions can stand independently. This can be sensible
because it avoids unnecessary destruction of valid law. Still, severance must
be used carefully. If the remaining parts are inseparable from the invalid
provisions, or if the whole legislative bargain is constitutionally
contaminated, then severance may hide rather than solve the problem.
Mabirizi fits into an important
line of Ugandan constitutional cases. In Paul K. Ssemogerere and Others v
Attorney General, the Supreme Court insisted on strict compliance with
constitutional amendment procedure. In Oloka Onyango and Others v Attorney General,
the Constitutional Court invalidated legislation passed without quorum.
Mabirizi does not abandon those cases. It adds nuance. It suggests that
constitutional procedure matters, but courts must still ask whether the proven
defect is substantial enough to justify invalidating the law or amendment. That
nuance can make the case attractive to governments defending amendments and
challenging for litigants seeking invalidation.
The practical lesson is that
constitutional amendment litigation requires precision. It is not enough to say
that Parliament acted badly, that the politics were tense or that some rules
were broken. A successful challenge should identify the exact constitutional
requirement, prove the breach, explain why it was fundamental, and show why the
surviving law cannot stand. At the same time, Parliament should not read the
case as a licence for casual procedure. The Court repeatedly affirmed
constitutional supremacy and judicial review. Mabirizi may have upheld the age
limit amendment, but it did not place constitutional amendments beyond the
reach of the courts.
In the end, Mabirizi is best
understood as a case about the legal control of constitutional change. It
confirms that amendment power is real, broad and politically important. It also
confirms that courts can review that power. The difficult question is when a
defect is serious enough to defeat an amendment. The Court answered that
question cautiously, and some readers may find the caution too great. Even so,
the decision remains central precedent in Uganda for amendment review, basic
structure arguments, severance, public consultation and the relationship
between parliamentary politics and constitutional legality.
Source note. This article is
based on Male H. Mabirizi v Attorney General and Karuhanga and Others v
Attorney General and Uganda Law Society v Attorney General, Constitutional
Appeals 2, 3 and 4 of 2018, [2019] UGSC 102, Supreme Court of Uganda, judgment
delivered on 18 April 2019, with reference to the Constitution of the Republic
of Uganda, 1995, the Constitution (Amendment) Act, 2018, and related Ugandan
constitutional amendment authorities. It is prepared for public legal education
only and should not be treated as legal advice for any specific constitutional
dispute.
Suggested citation
Ronald Serwanga, “Mabirizi on
Amendment Review” East Africa Legal Insight (20 June 2026).
Comments
Post a Comment